It has become fashionable to denigrate the memory of Leonidas by associating him with suicide bombers (Cartledge) or by accusing him of murdering his brother. Thus Dr. Nic Fields in Thermopylae 480 BC: Last stand of the 300 dismisses Herodotus’ version of King Kleomenes’ death on the grounds that “the Spartans were notoriously abstemious” and concludes instead that: “It seems more likely that Kleomenes’ reign was cut short [sic] by murder, arranged and hushed up, on the orders of the man who succeeded him on the Agiad throne.” (p. 14)
There are a large number of problems with this thesis. First and foremost, of course, is that there
is not a shred of historical evidence for it. Not one ancient source accuses Leonidas of fratricide. Herodotus, as Fields notes, has a completely
different version of events. So we are talking about nothing more than a modern
commentator’s fabrication.
Fields feels justified fabricating this story because,
according to him, all Spartans (every last single one of them over hundreds of
years) were “abstemious” and since none ever drank in excess, a Spartan king
who drank too much is a historical (physical?) impossibility. Frankly, that’s a
little much. Even Spartans were human beings, and human beings are
fallible. Furthermore, we are talking
here about one of Sparta’s kings. Even if one could argue that peer pressure on
an ordinary citizen would have been too great in Sparta’s overweening society
to ever allow anyone to deviate too far from the norms, a Spartan king clearly
did have more leeway. The fact that Herodotos mentions the Spartans blamed his
madness on his drinking habits underlines the facts that Kleomenes’ behavior
was not considered normal in Sparta.
Spartans as a rule were abstemious, Kleomenes was not. Fields’ argument is
untenable.
Of course, Fields is not the first historian to conclude
that the hero of Thermopylae was really a murderer on the run. Most accept the
fact that Kleomenes might have had a drinking problem, but cannot believe that
anyone would try to flay themselves alive.
Because they cannot imagine something so appalling and hence cannot
accept Herodotus at face value, they feel justified in accusing Kleomenes’
successor of regicide, fratricide and patricide (since Kleomenes was not only
Leonidas’ king, but also his brother and father-in-law) all at once.
Yet, as W. G. Forrest points out in his excellent, concise
work A History of Sparta: 950 – 192 BC
: “A recent psychological study has pointed out that the details of
[Kleomenes’] final self-mutilation are in fact consistent with a paranoid
schizophrenic suicide.”
As so often, the evidence is with Herodotus – not those, who
lack the imagination to believe him.
Yet even if we were to dismiss Herodotus’ version of Kleomenes’
death as implausible, would that justify pointing the finger at Leonidas?
W. P. Wallace in his excellent article, “Kleomenes,
Marathon, the Helots, and Arkadia” (The
Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 74 (1954), pp. 32-35), suggests
some plausible reasons why the Spartan state might have wanted to rid itself of
Kleomenes. Wallace presents some weak
but nonetheless cogent evidence that an Arkadian league formed at about this
time and Herodotus also speaks of Kleomenes stirring up trouble in
Arkadia. Wallace argues that if
Kleomenes was being successful in turning some of the Arkadian states against
Sparta, than the Spartans may have felt he had to be taken out of circulation
once and for all. But even this does not justify putting the blame for any
surreptitious regicide on Leonidas.
People, who subscribe to this theory, argue that because
Leonidas succeeded to the throne, he had to have the most to gain from
murdering his brother, and so he must have been the man behind it. But Leonidas was Kleomenes’ heir at the
latest from the day his elder brother Dorieus died, possibly from the day Dorieus
departed Sparta. Why would he have waited almost 40 years until he was over 50
years of age to suddenly become ambitious and covet his brother’s throne? Did
he, after serving Kleomenes almost his entire life, suddenly turn against him
because of “troubles” in Arkadia? Surely Kleomenes had made other, more
dramatic blunders, from Athens to Argos, that would have given him a pretext
for murder -- had he been so inclined. But we hear nothing of Leonidas being
disloyal after Kleomenes’ earlier debacles.
Another thing I would like to know from those who charge
Leonidas with murder is what Gorgo was doing while her husband murdered her
father? Gorgo, of all Greek women, is known for being out-spoken. Are we to
believe that she just stood by and let her husband kill her father without a
word of protest? More: that after her husband murdered her father, she
continued to be a loyal wife, assisting him and asking for his instructions as
he marched out to his death? Surely, the
woman, who as a child had told her father not to take bribes, would have gone
on record protesting her father’s murder and then avenging his death or
scorning the murderer? (Think of the wrath of the Spartan princess Kleitamestra!)
Or are we to believe she was an accomplice? That she
supported her murderous husband like some ancient Lady MacBeth?
If so, someone needs to provide an explanation of why
Kleomenes’ only child and heir, evidently greatly favored by him as a child,
suddenly wanted him murdered in a barbaric fashion. Trouble in Arkadia hardly
seems a sufficient reason for such an appallingly unnatural sentiment. Indeed,
explaining why Gorgo allowed her husband to kill her father is psychologically
a great deal more difficult than explaining how a man as consistently instable
as Kleomenes came to commit suicide!
Last but not least, what action or statement by the
historical Leonidas and/or Gorgo justifies imputing to them the level of moral
perversion inherit in fratricide and patricide?
What did Leonidas or Gorgo ever do or say to give historians the right
to dismiss them as brutal, self-serving criminals? The arrogance is staggering.
It is sad that modern
commentators feel compelled to propagate errant nonsense about a historical
figure. To be sure, we know too little about the real Leonidas to know what
sort of man he was, but that hardly justifies untenable accusations of sadistic
fratricide just because we are uncomfortable with the disturbing but completely
plausible explanation provided by Herodotus.
Leonidas' relationship with his half-brother and father-in-law is portrayed in depth in my novel: Leonidas of Sparta: A Peerless Peer.
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Leonidas' relationship with his half-brother and father-in-law is portrayed in depth in my novel: Leonidas of Sparta: A Peerless Peer.
Buy in Trade Paperback
or in
Kindle Format