Modern histories of Sparta
tend to brush over the Messenian War(s) in considerable haste and without
providing a great deal of detail. The
reason is obvious. As Paul Cartledge stresses in Sparta and Lakonia: A Regional History 1300 to 362 BC (one of the
few general histories of Sparta to focus seriously on the city’s early
history), the literary evidence is almost nil and the archeological evidence
ambiguous. Indeed, Cartledge considers Tyrtaios, a poet whose works have been
handed down to us only in fragments, the “only” reliable literary source, while
pointing out that the ancient historians Herodotus and Thucydides refer to only
one war.
Yet, arguably, nothing was
more important to the evolution of Sparta into a city-state with a highly
unusual and unique constitution than the Spartan conquest of Messenia. W.G. Forrest argues, for example, that the
conquest of its agriculturally rich neighbor reduced the need for distant colonies
and so the interest in the wider world, while the agricultural basis of Spartan
wealth reduced Sparta’s interest in industry and trade. Others argue that the
conquest of such a vast territory and the subjugation of an entire people
resulted in permanent fear of revolt that in turn created the need for a
militaristic state. Sparta as we know it – with its unique institutions from
the agoge to citizens permanently under arms – is a function of its conflict
with Messenia.
The facts of conquest which
are undisputed are quickly summarized: Sparta controlled Messenia completely by
the start of the 6th century BC. Sometime in the 7th
Century, during the life of the poet Tyrtaios, Sparta was engaged in a bitter
struggle with the Messenians, a struggle that Tyrtaios clearly describes as one
involving pitched battles between hoplites (though not phalanxes). Tyrtaios furthermore
refers in his poems to the great deeds of “our father’s fathers,” which is
usually interpreted to mean that the initial conquest of Messenia occurred two
generations earlier. Tyrtaios also speaks of a struggle that lasts 20 years.
Both the references, however, may be purely poetical; the first may mean little
more than “our forefathers,” and the latter be a literary device to stress that
it was “a long struggle” by making the fight in Messenia exactly twice as long
as the conquest of Troy.
Archeologically, we can trace a gradual expansion of Laconian influence
into Messenia starting in the late 8th Century.
We also know that in the first
quarter of the 7th century BC, Sparta adopted a new constitution attributed to
Lycurgus. (I know there has been scholarly debate about the exact dating of the
Spartan constitution, but I find W.G. Forrest’s arguments dating the Spartan
revolution to the period between 700 and 670 cogent and convincing. See A History of Sparta, 950-192 BC, pp.
55-58.) Furthermore, we know that
Sparta’s only colony was established near the turn of the 8th
Century BC, traditionally in 706 BC. Both the introduction of a radical, new
constitution sanctioned explicitly by Delphi and the establishment of a colony
are attributed by ancient sources to internal unrest in Sparta.
Conventionally, these facts
are woven together as follows: Sparta invaded and conquered Messenia in the
late 8th Century, subjugating the local Messenian population. This
conquest was allegedly followed by a period of intense internal unrest that
led, first, to the founding of Sparta’s only colony, and second to the Lycurgan
reforms. The later, however, are usually seen as contemporary with Tyrataios
and were, therefore, implemented during a second period of conflict with
Messenia, usually described as “the Second” Messenian war. If one presumes that
Sparta won the initial conflict with Messenia, this can only be explained by a
revolt of some kind. Historians have therefore postulated that the allegedly brutally oppressed Messenians suddenly
and within just two generations were capable of financing hoards of hoplites and
fielding entire hoplite armies.
This taxes my imagination, so
next week I will present an alternative theory.
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